ISLAMIC REVOLUTION OF IRAN, Islamic Propagation Organization, Tehran,
1991.
The Foreward (pp. 7-11) of this fascinating text states the significance
of this English language account of the revolutionary struggle in Iran
from 1963-1979, especially as so much Western publicity has been
conducted against the Revolution. The role of Imam Khumayni is
gratefully acknowledged. The contribution of the Persian language
publications of Sayyid Jalaluddin Madani to this history in English is
attested.
In order to decrease inimical perceptions of the strangeness of Iran,
this review translates into English some Persian and Arabic words that
will allow the English reader to feel more understanding of the people
whose story is being told.
Chapter One, "Beginning of the Islamic Movement of Iran" (pp. 13-56):
Foreign interests have misrepresented Iran's Islamic roots and sought to
distract Iranian youth with misguided physical pleasures. The mosque has
always been a powerful beneficial centre. There has been a continuous
struggle between the path of faith (seeking truth, righteousness and
piety) and forces of domination and suppression.
The passing of Ayatullahs Brujerdi (1961) and Kashani (1962) had the
foreign controlled government feeling free to move against religion.
This also brought to the fore Imam Khumayni, an ardent defender of
Islam. He led opposition to proposals seen as directed against Iran's
Islamic foundation. The government responded with threats, strategic
withdrawal and efforts to belittle Imam Khumayni. He persisted and
compelled the government to announce in the media the withdrawal of its proposals.
Imam Khumayni spoke of the support of the people for the Learned and how
he yearned for the government to obtain the same level of support
through its respect for Islam and real concern for the wellbeing of the
people.
Chapter Two, "Shah's So-called White Revolution and People's Uprising
Against It" (pp. 57-91): The king held a referendum for a six point
reform package called the White Revolution. Imam Khumayni stated his
objections to this referendum at short notice with the people ill
informed and intimidated. Meetings held to organize opposition to this
foreign sponsored referendum were raided by the secret police. There
were anti-referendum and pro-referendum demonstrations in Qum. The king
visited that holy city. The Learned refused to meet with him.
The Learned called for a boycott of the referendum. The referendum was
announced as successful and the king received congratulations from the
USA, UK and USSR. The Learned called for mosques to be closed during
Ramadan, the month of fasting. They replaced the traditional New Year's
celebrations with a period of mourning. Imam Khumayni called for the
overthrow of the foreign controlled, anti Islamic regime.
Regime supporters came to Qum riding Tehran City Transport Company
buses. Troops were moved into Qum. On March 22, 1963 a large gathering
at Faydiyyah Theological College was attacked with heavy loss of life.
Imam Khumayni calmed people's fears and organized care for the wounded.
He proclaimed dissimulation as forbidden and speaking out a duty.
The regime urged its most ardent Learned opponents to move to Iraq.
Imam Khumayni refused. Fortieth day commemorations of the attack on
Faydiyyah Theological College were disrupted.
Chapter Three, "Muharram of 1983 and Premises of the 15th Khurdad 95th
of June) Bloody Uprising" (pp. 92-109): Imam Khumayni ignored attempts
by the regime to focus the annual commemoration of Imam Husayn's
martyrdom only on that distant historical event. Instead the relevance
of that happening to Iran's current political situation was made clear.
There were demonstrations praising Khumayni and denouncing the king.
Khumayni's vocal opposition to the king during a sermon on that
commemoration was promptly followed by his midnight arrest.
Chapter Four, "Rising of 15th Khurdad, 1342 S H (5th June, 1963) and Its
Consequences" (pp. 110-131): Large deomstrations spontaneously occurred
to be brutally suppressed with heavy loss of life. Martial law was
declared. Spurious allegations were made concerning outside instigation
of unrest, but Soviet media denounced the "religious reactionaries" and
SAVAK admitted its failure to find evidence of foreign contact with Imam
Khumayni. He was released from prison on August 2nd to a SAVAK owned
house and warned against further involvement in politics.
Chapter Five, "The 21st Majlis, Popular Protests and the Fall of the
Government" (pp. 132-146): There were elections. Mansur gradually took
over the government. Imam Khumayni came to Qum on April 7, 1964. He
contradicted reports that he had compromised. he opposed extravagance,
strove to bring Muslims of different sects together, asserted the
independence of the Learned from government control and organized weekly
Islamic sessions.
Chapter Six, "Capitulation of 1343 SH (1964) and Imam's Exile" (pp. 147
to 170): Parliament passed a law exempting more than forty thousand US
advisers and their dependants from Iranian law. Imam Khumayni vigorously
opposed this in a speech (pp. 152-158). On November 3, 1964, troops
stormed his residence, forced him to the Tehran airport and he was flown
early on the 4th to Turkey. His son was arrested, detained for a time and
sent to join him. There were disturbances. Religious scholars and students
were very active. Imam Khumayni, accompanied by his son, moved to Najaf in
Iraq on October 5, 1965.
Chapter Seven, "Commencement of Armed Struggle With the Killing of Hasan
Ali Mansur" (pp. 171-187): The king now imagined himself successful.
Mansur led the government, head of a Western educated elite disdaining
Iranian culture. On January 21st, Muhammad Bukhari (caught and executed)
shot Mansur. A group was arrested in the mountains near Shemiran. On
April 12, 1965, a soldier attempted to assassinate the king in the Marble
Palace. There was intense opposition (inspired by anti-colonialist
struggles in Algeria, Vietnam and Cuaba) to this illegitimate regime.
SAVAK detected some twenty groups by 1971, including Mujahidini Khalq,
an Islamic group caught while trying to obtain arms and Fidayi Khalq,
a Communist group SAVAK caught in 1968.
Chapter Eight, "Huwayda's 13-Year Rule With Increasing Corruption" (pp.
188-224): Amr Abbas Huwayda, a pleasure seeking, wholly foreign educated
oil executive and Mansur's finance minister, became Prime Minister on
January 26th. Without considering the likely inflated nature of the high
development figures for this period, it was a highly repressive ers, a
time of servility to foreign interests and an age of rampant corruption.
The king had enormous power in Iran, though he acted on behalf of
foreigners and kept large sums in foreign banks. He lost Bahrain. The
numerous royal commemorations were vastly extravagant, as were palatial
construction projects, etc. The press covered royal activities and was
highly censored. The judiciary lacked independence; there were numerous
special courts. Several pages follow on various aspects of financial
corruption. There were secret connections between the king and Israel.
Chapter Nine, "The SAVAK and a Study of its Role" (pp. 225-234): Taymur
Bakhtiyar first headed these secret police, establishing the
organization from 1957-1961 with help from the CIA. He then left Iran
and founded an opposition group. SAVAK killed him in 1970. Pakrawan had
a softer way. Under Huwayda's Prime Ministership SAVAK again was heavy
handed and oppressive. From 1973 Tehran was CIA headquarters in the
Middle East. In the last year or so, Nasir Muqaddam headed SAVAK. It
allegedly was less harsh, but actually continued its widespread
repression and torture, notwithstanding Iran being a signatory to the
United Nations Convention Against Torture.
Chapter Ten, "Iran and its Foreign Policy" (pp. 235-253): Iran was
heavily dominated by the US signing an oil agreement in 1954, joining
the Baghdad Pact in 1955 and a bilateral military agreement in 1959.
Oil revenues were paid back in extravagant armaments purchases, six
point six billion dollars in 1972-1974. Bahrain became independent and
a US military base established there, one of an increasing number in
the declared peaceful Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean region.
Iran did not co-operate with Arab OPEC members in the 1973 boycott.
Iran maintained closes, though largely secret, relations with Israel.
After the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and especially after the Baathist
rise to power, tensions grew. Clashes occurred in 1972 and 1973 and
outright war in 1975. Algeria mediated agreement. Iran tried to have
good relations with Afghanistan. Iran expanded ties with some East
European countries and the USSR. Strong ties with the UK continued.
American domination increased. More Iranians went to the US,
including for education and many educated Iranians stayed there.
The burning of the al Aqsa mosque led to the formation of the Islamic
Conference Organization, a good idea, much weakened due to great
power politics.
Chapter Eleven, "Oil and the OPEC" (pp. 254-266): OPEC was founded in
1960. The US had hoped to cause rivalry between Venezuela and Middle
Eastern producers. Venezuela sought co-operation. Foreign companies
formed a cartel, exempted from US antitrust legislation. Algeria and
Libya refused collective negotiations. A 1973 agreement was signed
between Iran's national oil company and twenty eight foreign
companies. Vast oil revenues were squandered in huge foreign imports.
Chapter Twelve, "The Line of Islamic School of Thought During the
Years Prior to Islamic Revolution" (pp. 267-290): Many spiritual
sayings state the preference for an Islamic polity. Royal efforts
were made to oppose these and depict the king as an upholder of
religion. Royal youth centres were established promoting movies and
gambling; religious scholars sought to inculcate spirituality. Such
as Ayatullah Mutahhari delineated distinctions between Islam and
Western Civilization.
Some of the learned were arrested, tortured and martyred. In exile
in Najaf, Imam Khumayni strove aredently to achieve an Iranian
Islamic state. When the Ba'athist regime tried to direct the Imam's
focus to religion only, he replied that in Islam religion includes
politics. He left Iraq for Kuwait, intending to go from there to
Syria. Kuwait refused to allow him in.
Chapter Thirteen, "The Years 1350-54 SH, 23rd Majlis, Activities of
the Joint Committee and Military Tribunals and Intensification of
Armed Struggle" (pp. 291-306): Iran became responsible for guarding
Western interests in the Persian Gulf. Internal oppression
continued. One percent of the population had one half of Iran's
revenue. The Pahlavi Foundation raked in money from legitimate
industries and from casinos. Opposition groups conducted
assassinations and raids on police stations. Imam Khumayni forbid
believers from joining the new Rastakhiz party. The commemorations in
Qum on June 5-7, 1975 were raided by police with some forty five
killed and five hundred students arrested.
Chapter Fourteen, "Shah's Rastakhiz Party and His Last Consultative
Assembly" (pp. 307-318): On March 1, 1974, Iran's existing political
parties were dissolved and the single Rastakhiz party launched. This
was to provide all an equal access to benefits, reduce duplication in
the costs of running two official parties and hopefully attract more
popular support than the artificial two party system. Imam Khumayni
forbit participation in this party. He denounced royal oppression,
economic deprivation of the people, squandering of national resources
and Iran's subservience to foreign interests. The Rastakhiz Party
from 1975 to 1978 became continually less popular. An imperial
calendar dating from Cyrus replaced the Islamic Hijra calendar.
Chapter Fifteen, "Open Atmosphere For Politics" (pp. 319-325): Mighty
America supported an imperialist regime well funded with oil revenue.
Carter was elected in 1976 strongly advocating human rights. There was
some reduction of oppression in Iran, only intensifying the
opposition's struggle.
Chapter Sixteen, "Sparks of Revolution During 1977" (pp. 326-342): On
November 11, 1977, the king went to America where there were protests
and demonstrations for and against him. There were protests in Qum
and Tabriz. Imam Khumayni called on all classes to co-operate in the
struggle. The Imam's son Mustapha was found mysteriously dead in
Najaf. An anti-Khomayni article on January 7th had a serious response.
Some say eighty to ninety were killed. The fortieth day mourning of
these deaths brought protests and bloody repression in Tabriz. The
fortieth day mourning of the Tabriz martyrs saw people killed in Yezd.
The government announced in had popular support, but it didn't
Chapter Seventeen, "1978 - the Year of the Islamic Revolution"
(pp. 343-467): This unprecedented revolution united all, even
minorities, notwithstanding the will of the great powers, in a
spiritual uprising, a culmination of 1400 years of Shiah history.
New Year celebrations were replaced by mourning. Attempts to divert
the revolution into a class struggle failed. Imam Khumayni called for
a united effort and for soldiers to cease obeying unworthy orders.
SAVAK burned a cinema killing hundreds in a failed effort to blame
religious fanatics.
Sharif Imami formed a government of reconciliation, restored the AH
calendar and offerred respect to religious leaders. There was a large
peaceful protest on September 4th. On September 8th another peaceful
demonstration was suppressed with deadly force, arousing the wrath of
the population. The foreign press widely covered this, but Carter's
America continued to support the king. Despite its alleged interest
in the rights of women, the regime could not retain their support.
The royal family was blatantly corrupt.
The opening of classes on September 23rd led to intense student
revolutionary activity. Government attempts to deflect attention from
Imam Khumayni's uncompromising leadership failed. Censorship was
abolished. There was a national strike on October 16th. France was
supportive of Imam Khumayni during his exile there and, when the time
came, God blocked American inspired efforts to prevent the Imam's
return to Iran. Oil workers struck. SAVAK attacked the Kerman mosque
during Friday prayers.
Imam Khumayni refused to meet with representatives of the regime. On
November 4th, Tehran University was attacked and some sixty five
people killed. Cinemas burned. The next day, the king formed a
military government. Even judges joined the revolution. A soldier
ordered to fire on the crowd shot his commanding officer.
On December 1st, "God is Great!" was shouted at midnight from the
rooftops. Imam Khumayni called for united removal of the regime. A
hundred thousand troops patrolled Tehran. The king's wife started
wearing Islamic dress. Soldiers left the army to join the revolution
and even elite Guards fought against the king's army.
Disregarding military threats, millions marched commemorating the
martyrdom of Imam Husayn. Despite pressure from the French
president, Imam Khumayni continued to speak to the Iranian people.
Despite bloody repression, the military government fell.
Western countries tried to advance the socialists in the revolution.
Imam Khumayni was interviewed and stated his respect for women and
minorities, though not those harmful to the state. Bakhtiyar took
power. The king announced his holiday. Bakhtiyar lacked popular
support. Imam Khumayni urged farmers plant food and oil workers
extract oil for internal use and merchants ensure stable prices. On
January 16, 1979, the king left the country.
Imam Khumayni appointed an Islamic Revolutionary Council.
Chapter Eighteen, "Bahman 1357 SH (January 1979) Victory of the
Islamic Revolution and Overthrow of 2500 Year Empire" (pp. 466-511):
Imam Khumayni returned to Iran. There was an awesome welcome. He
went straight from the airport to the cemetery. He denounced the
illegal, overthrown regime which had been based on military support.
He asserted a people's right to have its own government. The
overwhelming support of the Iranian people for the Islamic
Revolution precluded an American desired coup. Other foreign lands
were also powerless to thwart Iranian will.
Despite foreign efforts, Iranian soldiers supported the revolution.
Imam Khumayni appointed an interim government. The imperial guards
could not shoot a nation and resistence shattered on February 11th.
It is not for this volume to record what happened after the great
success of the Islamic Revolution, carried out despite the efforts
of the great powers.
This is a work well worth reading. It is an effort to present to
the English reader an understanding of one of the late Twentieth
Century's most significant happenings from the viewpoint of those
most directly involved.
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