ISLAMIC REVOLUTION OF IRAN, Islamic Propagation Organization, Tehran,1991.The Foreward (pp. 7-11) of this fascinating text states the significanceof this English language account of the revolutionary struggle in Iranfrom 1963-1979, especially as so much Western publicity has beenconducted against the Revolution. The role of Imam Khumayni isgratefully acknowledged. The contribution of the Persian languagepublications of Sayyid Jalaluddin Madani to this history in English isattested.In order to decrease inimical perceptions of the strangeness of Iran,this review translates into English some Persian and Arabic words thatwill allow the English reader to feel more understanding of the peoplewhose story is being told.Chapter One, "Beginning of the Islamic Movement of Iran" (pp. 13-56):Foreign interests have misrepresented Iran's Islamic roots and sought todistract Iranian youth with misguided physical pleasures. The mosque hasalways been a powerful beneficial centre. There has been a continuousstruggle between the path of faith (seeking truth, righteousness andpiety) and forces of domination and suppression.The passing of Ayatullahs Brujerdi (1961) and Kashani (1962) had theforeign controlled government feeling free to move against religion. This also brought to the fore Imam Khumayni, an ardent defender of Islam. He led opposition to proposals seen as directed against Iran's Islamic foundation. The government responded with threats, strategic withdrawal and efforts to belittle Imam Khumayni. He persisted and compelled the government to announce in the media the withdrawal of its proposals.Imam Khumayni spoke of the support of the people for the Learned and howhe yearned for the government to obtain the same level of supportthrough its respect for Islam and real concern for the wellbeing of thepeople.Chapter Two, "Shah's So-called White Revolution and People's UprisingAgainst It" (pp. 57-91): The king held a referendum for a six pointreform package called the White Revolution. Imam Khumayni stated hisobjections to this referendum at short notice with the people illinformed and intimidated. Meetings held to organize opposition to thisforeign sponsored referendum were raided by the secret police. Therewere anti-referendum and pro-referendum demonstrations in Qum. The kingvisited that holy city. The Learned refused to meet with him.The Learned called for a boycott of the referendum. The referendum wasannounced as successful and the king received congratulations from theUSA, UK and USSR. The Learned called for mosques to be closed duringRamadan, the month of fasting. They replaced the traditional New Year'scelebrations with a period of mourning. Imam Khumayni called for theoverthrow of the foreign controlled, anti Islamic regime.Regime supporters came to Qum riding Tehran City Transport Companybuses. Troops were moved into Qum. On March 22, 1963 a large gatheringat Faydiyyah Theological College was attacked with heavy loss of life.Imam Khumayni calmed people's fears and organized care for the wounded.He proclaimed dissimulation as forbidden and speaking out a duty.The regime urged its most ardent Learned opponents to move to Iraq.Imam Khumayni refused. Fortieth day commemorations of the attack onFaydiyyah Theological College were disrupted.Chapter Three, "Muharram of 1983 and Premises of the 15th Khurdad 95thof June) Bloody Uprising" (pp. 92-109): Imam Khumayni ignored attemptsby the regime to focus the annual commemoration of Imam Husayn'smartyrdom only on that distant historical event. Instead the relevanceof that happening to Iran's current political situation was made clear.There were demonstrations praising Khumayni and denouncing the king.Khumayni's vocal opposition to the king during a sermon on thatcommemoration was promptly followed by his midnight arrest.Chapter Four, "Rising of 15th Khurdad, 1342 S H (5th June, 1963) and ItsConsequences" (pp. 110-131): Large deomstrations spontaneously occurredto be brutally suppressed with heavy loss of life. Martial law wasdeclared. Spurious allegations were made concerning outside instigationof unrest, but Soviet media denounced the "religious reactionaries" andSAVAK admitted its failure to find evidence of foreign contact with ImamKhumayni. He was released from prison on August 2nd to a SAVAK ownedhouse and warned against further involvement in politics.Chapter Five, "The 21st Majlis, Popular Protests and the Fall of theGovernment" (pp. 132-146): There were elections. Mansur gradually tookover the government. Imam Khumayni came to Qum on April 7, 1964. Hecontradicted reports that he had compromised. he opposed extravagance,strove to bring Muslims of different sects together, asserted theindependence of the Learned from government control and organized weeklyIslamic sessions. Chapter Six, "Capitulation of 1343 SH (1964) and Imam's Exile" (pp. 147to 170): Parliament passed a law exempting more than forty thousand USadvisers and their dependants from Iranian law. Imam Khumayni vigorouslyopposed this in a speech (pp. 152-158). On November 3, 1964, troops stormed his residence, forced him to the Tehran airport and he was flownearly on the 4th to Turkey. His son was arrested, detained for a time andsent to join him. There were disturbances. Religious scholars and studentswere very active. Imam Khumayni, accompanied by his son, moved to Najaf inIraq on October 5, 1965.Chapter Seven, "Commencement of Armed Struggle With the Killing of Hasan Ali Mansur" (pp. 171-187): The king now imagined himself successful.Mansur led the government, head of a Western educated elite disdainingIranian culture. On January 21st, Muhammad Bukhari (caught and executed)shot Mansur. A group was arrested in the mountains near Shemiran. OnApril 12, 1965, a soldier attempted to assassinate the king in the MarblePalace. There was intense opposition (inspired by anti-colonialiststruggles in Algeria, Vietnam and Cuaba) to this illegitimate regime.SAVAK detected some twenty groups by 1971, including Mujahidini Khalq,an Islamic group caught while trying to obtain arms and Fidayi Khalq, a Communist group SAVAK caught in 1968. Chapter Eight, "Huwayda's 13-Year Rule With Increasing Corruption" (pp. 188-224): Amr Abbas Huwayda, a pleasure seeking, wholly foreign educatedoil executive and Mansur's finance minister, became Prime Minister on January 26th. Without considering the likely inflated nature of the highdevelopment figures for this period, it was a highly repressive ers, atime of servility to foreign interests and an age of rampant corruption.The king had enormous power in Iran, though he acted on behalf offoreigners and kept large sums in foreign banks. He lost Bahrain. Thenumerous royal commemorations were vastly extravagant, as were palatialconstruction projects, etc. The press covered royal activities and washighly censored. The judiciary lacked independence; there were numerousspecial courts. Several pages follow on various aspects of financialcorruption. There were secret connections between the king and Israel.Chapter Nine, "The SAVAK and a Study of its Role" (pp. 225-234): TaymurBakhtiyar first headed these secret police, establishing theorganization from 1957-1961 with help from the CIA. He then left Iranand founded an opposition group. SAVAK killed him in 1970. Pakrawan hada softer way. Under Huwayda's Prime Ministership SAVAK again was heavyhanded and oppressive. From 1973 Tehran was CIA headquarters in theMiddle East. In the last year or so, Nasir Muqaddam headed SAVAK. Itallegedly was less harsh, but actually continued its widespreadrepression and torture, notwithstanding Iran being a signatory to theUnited Nations Convention Against Torture.Chapter Ten, "Iran and its Foreign Policy" (pp. 235-253): Iran washeavily dominated by the US signing an oil agreement in 1954, joiningthe Baghdad Pact in 1955 and a bilateral military agreement in 1959. Oil revenues were paid back in extravagant armaments purchases, sixpoint six billion dollars in 1972-1974. Bahrain became independent anda US military base established there, one of an increasing number inthe declared peaceful Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean region.Iran did not co-operate with Arab OPEC members in the 1973 boycott.Iran maintained closes, though largely secret, relations with Israel.After the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and especially after the Baathistrise to power, tensions grew. Clashes occurred in 1972 and 1973 andoutright war in 1975. Algeria mediated agreement. Iran tried to havegood relations with Afghanistan. Iran expanded ties with some EastEuropean countries and the USSR. Strong ties with the UK continued.American domination increased. More Iranians went to the US, including for education and many educated Iranians stayed there.The burning of the al Aqsa mosque led to the formation of the IslamicConference Organization, a good idea, much weakened due to greatpower politics. Chapter Eleven, "Oil and the OPEC" (pp. 254-266): OPEC was founded in1960. The US had hoped to cause rivalry between Venezuela and MiddleEastern producers. Venezuela sought co-operation. Foreign companiesformed a cartel, exempted from US antitrust legislation. Algeria andLibya refused collective negotiations. A 1973 agreement was signedbetween Iran's national oil company and twenty eight foreigncompanies. Vast oil revenues were squandered in huge foreign imports. Chapter Twelve, "The Line of Islamic School of Thought During theYears Prior to Islamic Revolution" (pp. 267-290): Many spiritualsayings state the preference for an Islamic polity. Royal effortswere made to oppose these and depict the king as an upholder ofreligion. Royal youth centres were established promoting movies andgambling; religious scholars sought to inculcate spirituality. Such as Ayatullah Mutahhari delineated distinctions between Islam andWestern Civilization.Some of the learned were arrested, tortured and martyred. In exilein Najaf, Imam Khumayni strove aredently to achieve an IranianIslamic state. When the Ba'athist regime tried to direct the Imam'sfocus to religion only, he replied that in Islam religion includespolitics. He left Iraq for Kuwait, intending to go from there toSyria. Kuwait refused to allow him in. Chapter Thirteen, "The Years 1350-54 SH, 23rd Majlis, Activities ofthe Joint Committee and Military Tribunals and Intensification ofArmed Struggle" (pp. 291-306): Iran became responsible for guardingWestern interests in the Persian Gulf. Internal oppressioncontinued. One percent of the population had one half of Iran'srevenue. The Pahlavi Foundation raked in money from legitimateindustries and from casinos. Opposition groups conducted assassinations and raids on police stations. Imam Khumayni forbidbelievers from joining the new Rastakhiz party. The commemorations inQum on June 5-7, 1975 were raided by police with some forty fivekilled and five hundred students arrested.Chapter Fourteen, "Shah's Rastakhiz Party and His Last Consultative Assembly" (pp. 307-318): On March 1, 1974, Iran's existing politicalparties were dissolved and the single Rastakhiz party launched. This was to provide all an equal access to benefits, reduce duplication inthe costs of running two official parties and hopefully attract morepopular support than the artificial two party system. Imam Khumayniforbit participation in this party. He denounced royal oppression,economic deprivation of the people, squandering of national resourcesand Iran's subservience to foreign interests. The Rastakhiz Partyfrom 1975 to 1978 became continually less popular. An imperialcalendar dating from Cyrus replaced the Islamic Hijra calendar.Chapter Fifteen, "Open Atmosphere For Politics" (pp. 319-325): MightyAmerica supported an imperialist regime well funded with oil revenue.Carter was elected in 1976 strongly advocating human rights. There wassome reduction of oppression in Iran, only intensifying the opposition's struggle.Chapter Sixteen, "Sparks of Revolution During 1977" (pp. 326-342): OnNovember 11, 1977, the king went to America where there were protestsand demonstrations for and against him. There were protests in Qum and Tabriz. Imam Khumayni called on all classes to co-operate in thestruggle. The Imam's son Mustapha was found mysteriously dead inNajaf. An anti-Khomayni article on January 7th had a serious response.Some say eighty to ninety were killed. The fortieth day mourning of these deaths brought protests and bloody repression in Tabriz. Thefortieth day mourning of the Tabriz martyrs saw people killed in Yezd.The government announced it had popular support, but it didn'tChapter Seventeen, "1978 - the Year of the Islamic Revolution" (pp. 343-467): This unprecedented revolution united all, evenminorities, notwithstanding the will of the great powers, in aspiritual uprising, a culmination of 1400 years of Shiah history.New Year celebrations were replaced by mourning. Attempts to divertthe revolution into a class struggle failed. Imam Khumayni called fora united effort and for soldiers to cease obeying unworthy orders. ( cf "recto-verso" ou "flip-flop" de Saaneî, anéantir la révolution Islamique avec les "armes altérés" de la révolution "verte")SAVAK burned a cinema killing hundreds in a failed effort to blamereligious fanatics.Sharif Imami formed a government of reconciliation, restored the AHcalendar and offerred respect to religious leaders. There was a largepeaceful protest on September 4th. On September 8th another peacefuldemonstration was suppressed with deadly force, arousing the wrath ofthe population ( VENDREDI NOIR ). The foreign press widely covered this, but Carter'sAmerica continued to support the king. Despite its alleged interest in the rights of women, the regime could not retain their support.The royal family was blatantly corrupt.The opening of classes on September 23rd led to intense studentrevolutionary activity. Government attempts to deflect attention fromImam Khumayni's uncompromising leadership failed. Censorship wasabolished. There was a national strike on October 16th. France wassupportive of Imam Khumayni during his exile there and, when the timecame, God blocked American inspired efforts to prevent the Imam'sreturn to Iran. ( un "Farsi" à Paris, en "Faransiya" ...) Oil workers struck. SAVAK attacked the Kerman mosqueduring Friday prayers. Imam Khumayni refused to meet with representatives of the regime. OnNovember 4th, Tehran University was attacked and some sixty five people killed. Cinemas burned. The next day, the king formed amilitary government. Even judges joined the revolution. A soldierordered to fire on the crowd shot his commanding officer.On December 1st, "God is Great!" was shouted at midnight from the rooftops. Imam Khumayni called for united removal of the regime. Ahundred thousand troops patrolled Tehran. The king's wife startedwearing Islamic dress (Hijab):bored:. Soldiers left the army to join the revolutionand even elite Guards fought against the king's army.Disregarding military threats, millions marched commemorating themartyrdom of Imam Husayn. Despite pressure from the Frenchpresident, Imam Khumayni continued to speak to the Iranian people.Despite bloody repression, the military government fell. Western countries tried to advance the socialists in the revolution.Imam Khumayni was interviewed and stated his respect for women andminorities, though not those harmful to the state. Bakhtiyar took power. The king announced his holiday. Bakhtiyar lacked popular support. Imam Khumayni urged farmers plant food and oil workersextract oil for internal use and merchants ensure stable prices. OnJanuary 16, 1979, the king left the country.Imam Khumayni appointed an Islamic Revolutionary Council.Chapter Eighteen, "Bahman 1357 SH (January 1979) Victory of the Islamic Revolution and Overthrow of 2500 Year Empire" (pp. 466-511):Imam Khumayni returned to Iran. There was an awesome welcome. Hewent straight from the airport to the cemetery. He denounced theillegal, overthrown regime which had been based on military support.He asserted a people's right to have its own government. Theoverwhelming support of the Iranian people for the IslamicRevolution precluded an American desired coup. Other foreign landswere also powerless to thwart Iranian will.Despite foreign efforts, Iranian soldiers supported the revolution.Imam Khumayni appointed an interim government. The imperial guardscould not shoot a nation and resistence shattered on February 11th.It is not for this volume to record what happened after the greatsuccess of the Islamic Revolution, carried out despite the effortsof the great powers. This is a work well worth reading. It is an effort to present tothe English reader an understanding of one of the late TwentiethCentury's most significant happenings from the viewpoint of thosemost directly involved.
